The ongoing crisis in Ceuta has escalated into a formal European issue, despite the hesitations of the Spanish government. The Spanish People's Party (PP) has brought this matter to the forefront of European institutions, particularly focusing on Morocco's role in the influx of approximately 80,000 individuals into the Spanish autonomous city on July 30 and 31. This situation has raised important questions about the extent to which the European Union (EU) is willing to highlight Rabat's responsibility for this migration surge.
It is clear that the center of this debate is Morocco, which has attempted to influence the European Parliament through direct communications with a group of Euro MPs, pledging to accept the return of 10,000 migrants who have been on Spanish soil for over a month and a half. The PP has not only directed criticism towards the Moroccan government regarding what they term a "hybrid war" but has also raised concerns about whether Morocco's actions during this crisis align with the expectations of an EU partner. In a resolution discussing Ceuta, the PP stated, "Any declaration that questions Spanish sovereignty is unacceptable and incompatible with the obligations of a partner nation."
Conversely, the Socialist Party is taking a different approach, questioning whether the PP would support a resolution that solely blames Morocco, particularly if it means relying on the backing of far-right groups and jeopardizing the majority that supports the EU government composed of both the PP and the Socialists. This alternative majority, known as the "Venezuela majority," has been increasingly utilized, not only for passing resolutions but also for enacting laws. For instance, the new European Return Regulation was adopted in June with support from the right-wing factions, despite opposition from liberals, socialists, and leftist parties.
The PP is advocating for the European Parliament to demand that Morocco "assume its responsibilities as an EU partner." This domestic clash between the Spanish government and the PP over Ceuta has now reached the European arena, as evidenced by recent visits from Ceuta's president, Juan Jesús Vivas, and Spain's Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Manuel Albares. The arguments put forth by various party leaders, including Dolors Montserrat (PP), Iratxe García (PSOE), Estrella Galán (Sumar), and Jorge Buxadé (Vox), could easily be echoed in the Spanish Congress, but with the added complexity that discussions in Strasbourg implicate not only the Spanish government but also European institutions. Ultimately, the management of the EU's external borders is a European issue, regardless of the preferences of the Spanish Prime Minister.
The tension is palpable. On one side, the defense and even appreciation expressed by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his ministers towards Morocco complicates the position of their Euro MPs, who are advocating for "restraint" and "responsibility" to avoid straining relations with the southern neighbor. Morocco appears to be aligning with the Spanish government's stance. Conversely, the PP not only seeks coordinated responses from Brussels but also aims to hold Morocco accountable and expedite the return of migrants still residing in Ceuta.
In the context of their argument for bringing this debate to Strasbourg, the PP references a similar surge in 2021, which, despite being smaller in scale (10,000 individuals), prompted the European Parliament to issue a resolution explicitly condemning Morocco for manipulating border control, migration, and particularly unaccompanied minors. Euro MPs from the PP, Vox, and PSOE supported this resolution, with the radical left abstaining but collectively recognizing Morocco's role to varying degrees during their speeches.
Today, the dynamics have shifted, and the elephant in the room is Morocco. The PP's proposed resolution, consisting of 16 conclusions or requests, frames the events in Ceuta as a "hybrid attack" and emphasizes the "instrumentalization of migrants" and the need for a coordinated response to "protect the EU's external borders." The most contentious point in the proposal calls for Moroccan authorities to "assume their responsibilities as a key partner of the EU and fulfill their commitments" regarding border management, return, and migration cooperation. It also stresses that this partnership must be grounded in the unconditional respect for the territorial integrity of member states as a non-negotiable condition.
The PSOE questions how far the PP intends to push the blame towards Morocco. They remind that Morocco is Spain's second-largest trading partner after the EU and assert that the resolution to this crisis must be pursued through diplomatic channels. They argue that severing relations with Morocco is entirely irrational, requiring common sense and diplomacy, especially when no such actions were taken against Italy or Greece during critical situations in Lampedusa or Lesbos.
Moreover, the PP's resolution contains another element that is uncomfortable for Moncloa, supporting a letter signed by twenty-two heads of state and government earlier in August, rejecting "mass uncontrolled crossings and the instrumentalization of migration." The letter suggests that such actions could exacerbate the so-called "pull effect" as illegal entries may lead to legal residency. "This perception encourages new attempts and undermines confidence in the EU's common migration policy. National policies, such as mass regularizations, cannot be adopted without considering their repercussions on other member states, the Schengen area, and the Union as a whole," it explains.
The PP's resolution is set for a vote this Thursday, and it appears likely to face opposition from the Socialists, who are always displeased when the PP elevates domestic controversies to Brussels or Strasbourg. However, this scenario is not strictly a Spanish issue; Spanish borders are also EU borders, and Europe is watching closely, as seen in past crises of similar nature that have occurred, albeit on a smaller scale, in Italy, Greece, Poland, or Finland. If the stance on Ceuta is approved without Socialist backing, it will highlight that migration and asylum policies are among the most divisive issues, if not the most contentious, in European politics.
As reported by elconfidencial.com.
