The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) finds itself at a critical juncture as it embarks on its election campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This moment is not only pivotal due to its electoral stakes but also because of the outcomes produced during the preparation phase for these elections. In the lead-up to this crucial period, the party has experienced a series of resignations and departures, as well as political shifts among several leaders and prominent figures, which indicate a notable decline in the USFP's capacity to maintain its position as a leading force within the Moroccan leftist landscape. This trend is further underscored by the fact that several individuals with leftist backgrounds have opted to join other political parties, reflecting a significant challenge for the party, often symbolized by the rose.
Despite the party leadership presenting their candidate list as a manifestation of renewal and openness to new talents, a closer examination of the names put forth alongside those of prominent USFP members who have left or chosen to contest the upcoming elections under different banners reveals a more complex picture. The Socialist Union, which has historically been one of the foremost political entities representing the Moroccan left for decades, now appears less capable of retaining key figures who have amassed organizational and activist experience within its ranks. As a result, a segment of leftist faces seeks to explore new political arenas, whether within the framework of the New Left Alliance or in rival parties.
The case of Abdelhadi Khairat stands out as a prominent example of this transformation. A historical USFP leader and one of the most recognizable figures associated with the party's memory, youth, and media, Khairat chose to join the Party of Progress and Socialism last February, following a prolonged estrangement from the USFP and reaching a point of no return in his relationship with the party's Secretary-General, Idriss Lachgar. In a statement to the first channel at that time, Khairat indicated that his affiliation with the "book" party came after political meetings and consultations, expressing his conviction that continuing within the USFP was no longer feasible, thus signaling the depth of the divide that had characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The indicators of this exodus are not limited to historical symbols; recent weeks have witnessed a series of resignations related to varying degrees to the management of candidacies and electoral lists. The USFP's Political Bureau accepted the resignation of Rjaâa Al-Baqali Al-Tahiri, and announced that Mariam Jamal Al-Idrisi had relinquished her affiliation with the party amid the controversy surrounding the results of the selection process for regional list candidates. While the party insists that the process adhered to its statutes and internal regulations, and that the Political Bureau unanimously approved the outcomes of the committees, those involved have presented differing interpretations regarding the implementation of those rules and standards.
The situation grew more complex with the resignation of Salwa Al-Damnati, a former member of the Political Bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures on August 31, following criticisms she leveled against the management methods and organizational and political choices. Concurrently, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Wazan, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, accompanied by several party cadres, was officially announced in late August. This departure is significant given Hamza's organizational position within the USFP and the timing of these changes as parties prepare to reshape their local bases in anticipation of the upcoming elections.
Is the Moroccan Left Outgrowing the USFP?
The challenges faced by the USFP extend beyond the mere loss of certain figures; they encompass a deeper question regarding the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left itself. The notable paradox in the 2026 elections is that part of the discourse surrounding the future of the left no longer revolves around the USFP's ability to lead this current but rather focuses on the emergence of new centers of attraction that might compete for leftist talents and figures. In this context, the establishment of the "Left Alliance" between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 serves as a new political framework that explicitly announces its desire to unite part of the leftist diaspora and contest the legislative elections with a joint political project. Both parties have emphasized that this initiative is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at constructing a democratic and progressive alternative to overcome the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
On the other hand, the USFP has struggled to realize its declared "project" for an alliance with the Party of Progress and Socialism, which was announced in 2023, as the process quickly stalled. This is notable despite the historical common ground shared between the two parties, considering that both belong to the "Democratic Bloc" and collectively secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections, including 34 for the USFP and 22 for the companions of Nabil Benabdallah.
Shifting Dynamics Within the USFP
Currently, the USFP's candidate list presents itself differently. Despite its geographical breadth and the inclusion of a substantial number of districts, the names that stand out as having the greatest potential to attract national attention appear relatively limited. Among them are Abdelkarim Benatiq, a former minister and a well-known figure within the party, and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate for the Rabat Shalla district, who has gained prominence primarily because he is the son of the Secretary-General. The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies considering that the USFP itself has relied, in several regions, on attracting individuals with previous political careers outside the party. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several names presented have previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, in what is described as a strategy for attracting "political nomads." Notable names that have emerged in this context include Ahmed Al-Toumi, Hamid Al-Akrud, Abdel-Samad Akkdach, and Abdelghani Kamel.
This paradox raises a notable political question: has the USFP, which historically served as a training ground for activists and leaders, increasingly relied on attracting ready-made figures from outside its organizational structure while some of its own members and leaders migrate to other parties? While Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of the local list candidates represent new faces and that the party is betting on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative is met with debates regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the USFP but rather compensates for organizational deficiencies.
Lachgar faces severe criticism for allegedly sidelining "actual" USFP members in favor of electoral figures in pursuit of parliamentary seats, thereby neglecting the need to refocus on rebuilding the party. This mirrors events from 2021 with the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's bypassing of local organizations in candidate selections. Consequently, Lachgar dissolved the regional office to intervene and both parties became embroiled in legal disputes. This point appears central to understanding the transformation that has occurred within the USFP. The party no longer possesses, with the same vigor, the extensive reservoir of leaders and activists that once formed its organizational, union, and intellectual extension. Furthermore, a portion of the faces historically linked to the USFP's line have exited the party or distanced themselves from decision-making centers, while affiliation with the USFP no longer seems like a self-evident choice for many new leftist figures, following the emergence of other frameworks presenting themselves as spaces for rebuilding the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.