The Socialist Union Party Faces Critical Challenges Ahead of Legislative Elections
The Socialist Union Party (Parti de l'Union Socialiste des Forces Populaires) finds itself embarking on a crucial phase as the electoral campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23 unfolds. This juncture is particularly sensitive not only due to the electoral stakes at hand but also because of the outcomes that emerged from the preparatory phase for these elections. In the lead-up to this pivotal moment, the party has experienced a series of resignations, departures, and political shifts involving numerous leaders and prominent figures within its ranks. Notably, several individuals with leftist backgrounds have chosen to align themselves with other political parties, signaling a significant decline in the ability of the 'Rose' party to maintain its leading position within the Moroccan left and attract influential names from its political and historical milieu.
Sequential Departures from the Socialist Union Party
Despite the party leadership presenting its candidate list as a representation of 'renewal and openness to competencies,' a closer examination of the names put forth reveals a more complex picture. The Socialist Union, which has been one of the most significant political entities of the Moroccan left for decades, appears to be struggling to retain key figures who have accumulated organizational and activist experience within its ranks. Many of these leftist faces are increasingly exploring political spaces elsewhere, whether within the framework of the new left alliance or in competing parties. A prominent example of this shift is Abdelhadi Khairat, a historical leader and a notable figure associated with the party's legacy, who opted to join the Progress and Socialism Party in February after a long estrangement from the Socialist Union and a breakdown in his relationship with the first secretary, Idriss Lachekar. Khairat remarked at the time that his decision followed political discussions and consultations, expressing his conviction that continuing within the Socialist Union was no longer viable, highlighting the depth of the rift that had characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The signs of this erosion extend beyond historical figures, as recent weeks have witnessed a wave of resignations linked, to varying degrees, to the management of candidacy endorsements and electoral lists. The Socialist Union's political bureau accepted the resignation of Rajae Boukali Tahiri, while Maryam Jamal El Idrissi announced her departure from the party amidst controversy surrounding the selection process for regional candidacy lists. While the party asserts that these procedures adhered to its foundational regulations and internal laws, with the political bureau unanimously approving the results of the adjudication committees, the individuals involved presented differing interpretations of how these rules and criteria were implemented.
The situation further escalated with the resignation of Salwa Dmanati, a former member of the Political Bureau and current parliamentarian, who departed from the party and its organizational structures on August 31 after criticizing the management methodology and organizational and political choices. Similarly, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the Socialist Union in Ouazzane, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, accompanied by several party members and leaders, was officially announced at the end of August. This move holds significance given Hamza's organizational position within the 'Rose' party and comes at a time when parties are reconfiguring their local bases in anticipation of the electoral contests.
The issues for the Socialist Union extend beyond the mere loss of individual names; they raise deeper questions regarding the party's standing within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left itself. A striking paradox in the 2026 elections is that discussions about the future of the left no longer center on the Socialist Union's ability to lead this current but rather on the potential emergence of new centers of attraction that could compete for talent and figures with leftist backgrounds.
In this context, the formation of the 'Left Alliance' between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 presents a new political framework that explicitly expresses the desire to unify part of the leftist diaspora and contest the legislative elections with a joint political project. Both parties have emphasized that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative and overcoming the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years. Conversely, the Socialist Union has struggled to bring its declared alliance project with the Progress and Socialism Party, announced in 2023, to fruition, as the process stalled quickly despite the historical common ground shared by the two parties, both of which are part of the 'Democratic Bloc' and collectively secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections.
Currently, the Socialist Union's candidate list presents itself in a different light. Despite its geographical breadth and inclusion of numerous districts, the names that possess significant potential to attract national attention appear relatively limited. Key figures include Abdel Karim Benatiq, a former minister and a well-known face within the party, and Hassan Lachekar, the party's candidate for the Rabat Shalla district, who stands out primarily for being the son of the first secretary. The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies, particularly as the Socialist Union itself has relied in several regions on attracting individuals with previous political paths outside the party. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several names presented had previously belonged to other parties before joining the Socialist Union, illustrating a strategy of attracting 'political nomads.' Among these emerging names are Ahmed Toumi, Hamid Al-Akroud, Abdessamad Akdach, and Abdelghani Kamel.
This paradox raises a notable political question: Has the Socialist Union, historically a training ground for activists and leaders, increasingly relied on attracting ready-made names from outside its organizational structure at a time when some of its members and leaders are departing for other parties? While Idriss Lachekar asserts that 77% of local list candidates represent new faces and that the party aims to focus on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative encounters criticism regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the Socialist Union's school but rather compensates for organizational deficiencies. Lachekar faces severe criticism for allegedly sidelining 'real' Socialists in favor of electoral faces in pursuit of parliamentary seats, neglecting the imperative of rebuilding the party. This concern echoes events from 2021 involving the former regional secretary of the Socialist Union in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachekar's bypassing of local organizations in selecting candidates, leading to the dissolution of the regional secretariat, resulting in a legal conflict between the two.
This point is central to understanding the transformation that has occurred within the Socialist Union. The party no longer possesses the same momentum that once provided it with a vast reservoir of leaders and activists forming its organizational, union, and intellectual extension. Additionally, many historically significant figures associated with the Socialist line have either left the party or distanced themselves from decision-making centers within it. Furthermore, membership in the Socialist Union no longer appears as a self-evident choice for many of the new leftist figures, especially as other frameworks emerge that present themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
