The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) finds itself at a critical junction as it embarks on its campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This moment is particularly sensitive not only due to the electoral stakes involved but also because of the outcomes that have emerged from the preparatory phase leading up to these elections. In the lead-up to this pivotal moment, the party has experienced a series of resignations, departures, and political transitions involving several leaders and prominent figures, reflecting a notable decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its status as a leader within the Moroccan left. Several individuals with leftist affiliations have opted to join other political parties, underscoring the challenges facing the iconic 'rose' party in retaining influential names from its political and historical milieu.
A Wave of Departures from the USFP
Although the party's leadership presents its candidate list as a representation of renewal and openness to competencies, an examination of the names reveals a more complex picture. The USFP, which has historically been one of the most significant political entities within the Moroccan left, now seems less capable of retaining individuals who have amassed considerable organizational and activist experience within its ranks. A portion of leftist figures is actively seeking political spaces elsewhere, whether within the framework of the new left alliance or in competing parties. The case of Abdelhadi Khairat exemplifies this shift. The historical USFP leader, who is closely associated with the party's memory and youth, chose to join the Party of Progress and Socialism earlier this year after a prolonged rift with the USFP and a relationship with the first secretary, Idriss Lachgar, that has reached a point of no return. Khairat stated in a televised interview that his decision to join the 'book party' followed political discussions, expressing his conviction that continuing within the USFP was no longer viable, indicating the deep break that characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The signs of this attrition are not limited to historical symbols; recent weeks have seen a plethora of resignations linked to varying degrees of dissatisfaction with the management of electoral nominations and lists. The USFP's political bureau accepted the resignation of Rejaâa Al-Baqali Al-Tahiri, and Meryem Jamal Al-Idrissi announced her departure from the party amidst the controversy surrounding the results of the regulatory selection process for regional lists. While the party insists that the process adhered to its internal regulations and that the political bureau unanimously approved the results, the two concerned individuals provided differing interpretations of how these rules and standards were implemented. The situation further escalated with the resignation of Salwa Al-Damnati, a former political bureau member and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party on August 31, citing criticisms of the management methodology and organizational and political choices.
In a similar vein, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Ouezzane, to the Party of Authenticity and Modernity, accompanied by several party members, was officially announced in late August. This departure is significant given Hamza's previous organizational position within the USFP and its timing as parties prepare to restructure their local bases ahead of the elections.
Has the Moroccan Left Surpassed the USFP?
The issue for the USFP transcends the mere loss of individual names; it raises deeper questions regarding the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left. A striking paradox in the upcoming 2026 elections is that discussions about the future of the left are shifting away from whether the USFP can lead this movement to whether new centers of attraction are emerging to compete for leftist talents and figures. Against this backdrop, the establishment of the 'Left Alliance' between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 has created a new political framework that openly expresses a desire to unify segments of the leftist diaspora and contest the legislative elections with a shared political project. Both parties have emphasized that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative, overcoming the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
On the other hand, the USFP has struggled to realize its announced project of an alliance with the Party of Progress and Socialism, which was declared in 2023, as the process stalled quickly, despite the historical common ground between the two parties. Together, they secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections, with 34 for the USFP and 22 for the companions of Nabil Benabdallah.
The current list of the USFP presents itself differently. Despite its geographic broadness and inclusion of numerous constituencies, the names that seem most capable of capturing national attention appear relatively limited, notably including Abdel Karim Benatiq, a former minister and well-known figure within the party, and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate in the Rabat Shalla constituency, who stands out primarily because he is the son of the first secretary. The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies, particularly as the USFP has relied on attracting individuals with previous political experiences outside the party in several regions. For example, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several individuals who have been presented previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, in what is referred to as a strategy of attracting 'political nomads.' Prominent figures in this landscape include Ahmed Al-Toumi, Hamid Al-Akrud, Abdel Samad Akkdash, and Abdel Ghani Kamel.
This paradox raises a striking political question: has the USFP, which historically served as a school for the formation of activists and leaders, increasingly relied on attracting ready-made names from outside its organizational structure, while some of its own members and leaders depart for other parties? Even as Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of local list candidates represent new faces and that the party is counting on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative is met with debate regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to emanate from within the USFP but rather compensates for organizational deficiencies.
Criticism directed at Lachgar is sharp, suggesting that he is sidelining actual 'unionists' in favor of electoral faces in pursuit of parliamentary seats, neglecting the need to refocus on rebuilding the party. This mirrors the situation in 2021 involving the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's bypassing of local organizations in candidate selection. Lachgar responded by dissolving the regional secretariat to replace it, leading to a legal conflict between the two. This point is central to understanding the transformation that has occurred within the USFP. The party no longer possesses, with the same vigor, that extensive reservoir of leaders and activists that once constituted its organizational, syndical, and intellectual extension. Moreover, a portion of the figures historically linked to the USFP's line has become either estranged from the party or distanced from decision-making centers within it. Consequently, affiliation with the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice for many new leftist figures, as other frameworks have emerged, presenting themselves as spaces for rebuilding the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
