The Socialist Union Party at a Crossroads
The Socialist Union Party (USFP) is currently navigating one of the most sensitive phases in its political and organizational journey as it embarks on its electoral campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This pivotal moment is not merely defined by electoral stakes but is also deeply intertwined with the outcomes of the preparations leading up to these elections. In the run-up to this critical juncture, the party has witnessed a series of resignations, departures, and political shifts involving several key leaders and members. Notably, some individuals with a leftist background have opted to join other political parties, reflecting a significant decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its position at the forefront of Moroccan leftist politics and attract notable figures from its political and historical milieu.
Despite the party's leadership presenting its list of candidates as a representation of 'renewal and openness to competencies,' a closer examination of the names revealed reveals a more complex reality. The USFP, which has been a major political force for decades within the Moroccan left, now appears less capable of retaining some of the prominent individuals who have accumulated organizational and activist experience within its ranks. Meanwhile, a segment of leftist figures is exploring political opportunities elsewhere, whether within the framework of the new left alliance or in competing parties.
High-Profile Departures and Political Realignments
The case of Abdelhadi Khairat stands as a significant example of this shift, as the historical USFP leader and a prominent figure associated with the party's memory, youth, and media, chose to join the Progress and Socialism Party last February after a prolonged estrangement from the USFP. This estrangement reached a point of no return in his relationship with the first secretary, Idriss Lachgar. In an interview with the first channel at that time, Khairat stated that his decision to join the "book" party came after political discussions and consultations, expressing his conviction that continuing within the USFP was no longer feasible, highlighting the depth of the rift that had characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The indicators of this exodus are not limited to historical figures. In recent weeks, a series of resignations have emerged related, to varying degrees, to the management of candidacy approvals and electoral lists. The USFP's political bureau accepted the resignation of Rjaâa Al-Baqali Al-Tahiri, and Meryem Jamal Al-Idrisi also announced her departure from the party amid a debate surrounding the results of the regional candidacy selection process.
While the party insists that the process adhered to its internal regulations and that the political bureau unanimously approved the committees' decisions, the individuals concerned have presented differing interpretations regarding the implementation of those rules and criteria. The situation further escalated with the resignation of Salwa Al-Demnati, a former member of the political bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures on August 31, following criticisms she directed at the management methodology and organizational and political choices.
In a similar vein, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Wazan, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, accompanied by several members and affiliates, was officially announced in late August. This departure carries significance given Hamza's previous organizational role within the party and comes at a time when parties are preparing to reshape their local bases in anticipation of the upcoming elections.
The issue for the USFP transcends the mere loss of certain individuals; it raises a deeper question concerning the party's standing within the broader landscape of Moroccan leftist politics. The striking paradox in the upcoming 2026 elections lies in the fact that part of the discourse surrounding the future of the left no longer revolves around the USFP's capacity to lead this movement. Instead, it focuses on the potential emergence of new centers of attraction that could compete with it for leftist talent and figures.
In this context, the establishment of the "Left Alliance" between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 serves as a new political framework that openly declares its intention to unify part of the leftist diaspora and participate in the legislative elections with a joint political project. Both parties have emphasized that this initiative is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but rather a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative and overcoming the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
Conversely, the USFP has struggled to advance its "project" of alliance with the Progress and Socialism Party, announced in 2023, to fruition, as the process quickly stalled despite the fact that the shared historical foundation between the two parties is considerably robust. Together, they secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections, with 34 for the USFP and 22 for the companions of Nabil Benabdallah.
In light of these dynamics, the USFP's candidate list presents itself in a markedly different manner. Although it spans a broad geographic area and includes a significant number of districts, the names that stand out as capable of capturing national attention appear relatively limited. Prominent among these are Abdelkarim Benatkiq, a former minister and a well-known face within the party, and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate in the Rabat Shalla district, who has gained visibility primarily due to being the son of the first secretary.
The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies when considering that the USFP has also relied, in several regions, on attracting individuals with previous political trajectories outside the party. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, some of the names presented had previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, illustrating a strategy of attracting "political nomads." Notable names in this context include Ahmed Tumi, Hamid Al-Akrud, Abdel Samad Akdash, and Abdelghani Kamel.
This paradox raises a compelling political question: has the USFP, which historically served as a training ground for activists and leaders, increasingly relied on attracting ready-made names from outside its organizational structure, while some of its own members and leaders depart to other parties? While Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of local list candidates represent new faces, and that the party is betting on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative faces scrutiny regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the federal framework but rather compensates for organizational deficiencies.
Lachgar faces sharp criticism suggesting that he is sidelining actual "federalists" in favor of electoral figures in pursuit of parliamentary seats, diverting focus from rebuilding the party. This situation mirrors events in 2021 involving the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assila, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's bypassing of local organizations in candidate selection. Consequently, Lachgar dissolved the regional office to complete the process, leading to a legal conflict between the two.
This point is central to understanding the transformation experienced by the USFP. The party no longer possesses the same momentum or extensive reservoir of leaders and activists that once constituted its organizational, trade union, and intellectual extension. Moreover, many figures historically associated with the USFP line have now distanced themselves from the party or are far removed from decision-making centers within it. Consequently, membership in the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice for many new leftist faces, especially as other frameworks emerge, presenting themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
