The Socialist Union Party's Political Crossroads
The Socialist Union Party (USFP) finds itself at a critical juncture as it embarks on its electoral campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This moment is particularly sensitive not only due to the electoral stakes involved but also because of the outcomes stemming from the preparatory phase for these elections. In the run-up to this pivotal point, the party has experienced a series of resignations, departures, and political shifts involving several of its leaders and prominent members. This trend has been highlighted by some left-leaning figures opting to join other political parties, reflecting a significant decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its position at the forefront of the Moroccan left and attract influential personalities from its political and historical milieu.
Exodus from the Socialist Union
While the party’s leadership presents its list of candidates as a manifestation of renewal and openness to new talents, a closer examination of the names revealed alongside the prominent figures who have left the party or chosen to contest the upcoming elections under different banners paints a more complex picture. For decades, the USFP has been one of the most significant political entities representing the Moroccan left, yet it now seems increasingly unable to retain some of its members who have accumulated substantial organizational and activist experience. Meanwhile, a portion of its leftist faces appears to be seeking alternative political spaces, either within the New Left Alliance or in competing parties.
The case of Abdelhadi Khairat stands as a poignant example of this transformation. A historical leader within the party, Khairat has long been associated with the memory of the USFP and its youth and media. In February, he chose to join the Progress and Socialism Party after a prolonged estrangement from the USFP, culminating in a relationship with the party's Secretary-General, Idriss Lachgar, that had reached a point of no return. Khairat stated during an interview that his decision to join the 'Book' party followed extensive political discussions, indicating a profound rift that had characterized his relationship with the USFP in recent years.
The indicators of this exodus are not confined to historical symbols. Recent weeks have seen a wave of resignations linked to various aspects of the management of nominations and electoral lists. The USFP's political bureau has accepted the resignation of Rjaâa Al-Baqali Al-Tahiri and announced that Maryam Jamal Al-Idrisi has abandoned her party affiliation amid the controversy surrounding the results of the regional list selection process. While the party maintains that these processes adhered to its statutes and internal regulations, the individuals involved have presented differing interpretations regarding how these rules and criteria were applied.
The situation further escalated with the resignation of Salwa Al-Damanati, a former member of the political bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures on August 31, following criticisms she directed at the management approach and organizational and political choices. Similarly, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Ouezzane, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, along with several other party members, was officially announced in late August. This move carries significant implications, given Hamza's previous organizational role within the party and the timing of his departure as parties prepare to reshape their local bases in anticipation of the upcoming elections.
The dilemma for the USFP goes beyond merely losing certain names; it raises a more profound question regarding the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left. The striking paradox for the 2026 elections is that part of the discourse surrounding the future of the left is no longer focused on the USFP's capacity to lead this movement but rather on the potential emergence of new centers that could rival it for talent and individuals with leftist backgrounds.
In this context, the establishment of the Left Alliance between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 has introduced a new political framework explicitly aimed at uniting part of the left's fragmented elements and contesting legislative elections under a joint political project. Both parties emphasized that this initiative is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at constructing a democratic and progressive alternative and transcending the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years. Conversely, the USFP has struggled to finalize its announced alliance with the Progress and Socialism Party, initiated in 2023, as this process quickly stalled, despite the historical common ground that both parties share as members of the democratic bloc.
Today, the USFP's candidate list presents itself in a different light. Despite its geographical breadth and the inclusion of numerous electoral districts, the names capable of capturing national attention appear relatively limited, with notable figures including former minister Abdelkarim Benatiq and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate in the Rabat-Shalla district, primarily recognized for being the son of the Secretary-General. The discourse surrounding the nature of this list intensifies given that the USFP itself has relied, in several regions, on attracting individuals with previous political trajectories outside the party. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several candidates presented have previously belonged to other political parties before joining the USFP, which is characterized as a strategy to attract political 'nomads'. Among the notable names emerging in this landscape are Ahmed Toumi, Hamid Al-Akrud, Abdessamad Akdash, and Abdelghani Kamal.
This paradox raises a compelling political question: has the USFP, historically a training ground for activists and leaders, increasingly begun to depend on attracting external figures while witnessing its own members and leaders migrating to other parties? While Idriss Lachgar insists that 77% of local list candidates represent new faces and that the party is betting on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative is met with debates regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the USFP but rather serves as a substitute for organizational deficiencies. Lachgar faces sharp criticisms for allegedly sidelining actual 'USFP members' in favor of electoral figures in pursuit of parliamentary seats, rather than focusing on rebuilding the party. This situation mirrors what occurred in 2021 with the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's circumvention of local organizations in candidate selection. Lachgar responded by dissolving the regional branch to replace it, leading both men into a legal dispute.
This point is crucial for understanding the transformation that has occurred within the USFP. The party no longer possesses the same momentum it once had, characterized by a vast reservoir of leaders and activists who formed its organizational, trade union, and intellectual extension. Moreover, many faces historically associated with the USFP line are now either outside the party or distanced from decision-making centers within it. Consequently, membership in the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice for many new leftist figures, as other frameworks have emerged that present themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more united foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
