Understanding the Strategic Absence of Universities in Western Sahara
The landscape of higher education in the occupied territory of Western Sahara stands as one of the most perplexing and contentious examples when assessing the administrative and developmental policies instituted by the Moroccan Kingdom since its occupation in 1975. A critical and thought-provoking question emerges that transcends mere infrastructural evaluation: how can an administration that claims full sovereignty and seeks to permanently integrate the region into its territorial framework fail—or deliberately choose not—to establish a fully-fledged university after more than half a century of on-ground control, as claimed by the Moroccan authorities?
A closer examination of the educational reality in the occupied part of Western Sahara reveals that the absence of a university encompassing various scientific, literary, and humanitarian disciplines in major desert cities like Laayoune or Dakhla is not merely a logistical setback; it cannot be attributed to limited financial resources or a sparse population. Instead, it represents a carefully calculated strategic and political choice. This choice oscillates between a stringent security concern, fearing that a university campus in the heart of the occupied territory could become a hub for student organization, political awareness, and active protest movements, and a softer integration policy aimed at dispersing the Sahrawi student body while forcing the younger generations to migrate hundreds of kilometers northward to blend into the Moroccan university spaces in Agadir, Marrakech, Rabat, and Casablanca.
The Political Implications of Education in Occupied Territories
Consequently, higher education in occupied Western Sahara remains fragmented and restricted to merely "minor branches" and basic technical disciplines. This situation vividly illustrates a security approach that prioritizes control and cautious management over the local population's right to an academic institution that would reflect the region's stability and its scientific independence. This established dynamic indicates that the adopted approach does not view the local populace as an indigenous community entitled to self-determination and the full enjoyment of its land's wealth; instead, it reflects an authoritarian vision aimed at reshaping their identity and dismantling their societal structures.
The absence of a comprehensive university in major Sahrawi cities is a strategic and political decision deeply rooted in a strict security obsession that fears the emergence of a politically aware and mobilized student body. The imposition of migration policies has inadvertently transformed Moroccan universities into actual incubators for Sahrawi liberation thought, despite geographical distances and security constraints. Instead of cultural assimilation into northern university spaces, Sahrawi students have found in their shared social conditions and academic dislocation a compelling incentive to reorganize themselves into significant entities known as "university sites" or "Sahrawi student factions," openly loyal to the political literature of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).
Throughout decades of activism, significant milestones have emerged, starting from the establishment of the Walid Mustafa Sayid movement and extending to student unions and national committees within university dormitories. These young activists have engaged in intense political and union struggles, organizing cultural and informational events to raise awareness of the Sahrawi cause and leading student strikes in solidarity with political prisoners, such as those from the "Walid's Companions" and the "Gdeim Izik" group. This ongoing generational movement demonstrates that the prohibition of academic institutions within the region has only deepened and expanded Sahrawi liberation awareness within Moroccan universities themselves.
The educational issue and study rates in Western Sahara serve as critical social indicators that highlight the stark disparity between two distinct philosophies and administrations regarding human resource management. The Sahrawi populations in the areas under Moroccan occupation (west of the wall) experience relatively high illiteracy rates, ranging from 18% to 24% on average, with alarming figures in remote regions and rural communities exceeding 30%. Analysts and activists attribute these figures to an administrative approach that has perpetuated historical marginalization, focusing instead on investing in resources and economic structures aimed at extracting the earth's natural wealth at the expense of comprehensive human development and intellectual growth, not to mention the obstruction of establishing independent educational institutions and universities within the territory.
In contrast, the Sahrawi refugee camps and liberated areas (east of the wall) showcase an exceptional educational leap, with low illiteracy rates of no more than 5% to 10% and a study rate exceeding 90%. This unique experience highlights a community that has been forcibly displaced from its land and faced the challenges of exile and displacement yet has made the battle against illiteracy and the promotion of compulsory education a cornerstone of its social and political policies since the 1970s. This comparison between a reality dominated by marginalization and administrative control and another that has made the eradication of illiteracy a weapon for resilience and liberation awareness underscores that the development of the human mind and its enlightenment remains contingent on a political will that recognizes education as a fundamental right and a symbol of resistance and survival.
Furthermore, the transformations of human history and the race for human development among nations demonstrate a clear truth: investing in the minds of people and enlightening them is the only bet that will not fade away, while tools of dominance and marginalization are temporary and inevitably defeated by the will of peoples yearning for freedom and independence. The experience of independent Algeria stands as a living testament to this urban transformation; after decades of colonial rule that sought to deprive its people of education, Algeria successfully built a major national university network through a comprehensive educational revolution that not only catered to national needs but also began to seize and export the best scientific talents, including doctors excelling in major hospitals worldwide, especially in France, as well as professors and researchers enriching French research centers and universities with ideas and knowledge, presenting a historical irony that sees former colonizers relying on the minds they once aimed to suppress.
In a similar trajectory, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic aspires to outline its academic and sovereign future following its imminent independence and the establishment of sovereignty over its entire territory. The Sahrawi national vision, which prioritizes literacy and education as cornerstones of the experience of exile and structuring despite challenging conditions, is preparing to build an ambitious higher education system that envisions the establishment of university institutions and specialized scientific hubs covering most Sahrawi cities such as Laayoune, Dakhla, and Smara. These future universities will not merely serve as centers for academic education; they will evolve into hubs for scientific illumination and high-level medical and engineering training, producing graduates and competencies that will contribute to the revival of their country and surroundings.
As reported by echoroukonline.com.
