Morocco is not merely a difficult partner, an uncomfortable neighbor, or an aggressive competitor; it is a hostile state that employs immigration, territorial blackmail, and diplomatic pressure against Spain. This situation persists even as our governments provide financial support for Moroccan stability, protect unaccompanied minors, and tailor our foreign policy to meet the wishes of King Mohammed VI. The true measure of hostility is not found in the pleasant smiles exchanged at bilateral summits, but rather in the actions that reveal Morocco's bullying tactics, which have proven to come without consequences. Through threats and pressure, Morocco has learned to manipulate the situation to its advantage, betraying trust and subjugating Spain while reaping the benefits of its aggressive stance.
The Reality of Spain's Burden
When examining the Moroccan population residing in Spain, the official statistics present a troubling picture. Approximately 968,999 Moroccan citizens live in Spain, making up about 2% of the total population and 14% of all foreigners. However, as of July 2024, there were 5,471 Moroccan prisoners in Spain, constituting 29.5% of the foreign inmate population and 9.3% of the total prison population. This indicates that Moroccans are disproportionately represented among prisoners, with their incarceration rate significantly exceeding their demographic weight. Furthermore, a report from the Ministry of the Interior on crimes against sexual freedom revealed that in 2024, 1,100 Moroccans were detained or investigated, accounting for 7.65% of all cases and 19.5% of foreign individuals investigated, underscoring that Moroccans are nearly four times overrepresented in sexual crimes.
The stark contrast between what Moroccans contribute to society and what they receive from it is alarming. Data from the National Institute of Social Security (INSS) indicates that Moroccans have one of the lowest rates of contributions, with only 36% actively contributing while representing 49.65% of foreigners receiving the Minimum Vital Income. Therefore, they rank among the nationalities that, relatively speaking, commit more crimes, contribute less, and disproportionately benefit from social welfare.
Massive Investments and Spain's Dilemma
Morocco has allocated nearly 20 billion euros to host the FIFA World Cup in 2030, a significant investment that it is using to attempt to secure the final match from Spain in a show of disloyalty. To this end, Morocco is constructing the grand Hassan II Stadium, designed to accommodate 115,000 spectators, an extravagant project that is difficult to justify in a country where a significant portion of the population continues to live in poverty. In stark contrast, Spain has approved an exceptional budget of 25 million euros to accommodate unaccompanied minors, opting to care for them rather than execute existing bilateral agreements for their repatriation. While Morocco builds its monumental propaganda piece, Spain shoulders the responsibility of housing, educating, and redistributing the Moroccan minors arriving alone at Ceuta, all while Morocco competes for the world's largest sporting event, expecting the Spanish taxpayer to cover the costs of its own failures.
The relationship between Spain and Morocco is not characterized by equality but rather by a continuous subservience to Rabat. There is no fixed annual quota; instead, Spain has provided substantial funding over the years for military deployments, vehicles, thermal cameras, and other materials for Moroccan forces. From 2019 to 2022, published figures revealed expenditures exceeding 100 million euros, including recurring allocations of thirty million euros. Additionally, there is a European cooperation program worth 500 million euros for migration management from 2021 to 2027. In return for this financial support, Spain receives a border security situation that appears to be contingent on the whims of King Mohammed VI. When it serves Morocco's interests to maintain cordial relations, they restrict migration and the Spanish government touts the decrease in arrivals as a success of cooperation. However, when Rabat seeks to punish Spain, the Moroccan authorities withdraw their enforcement, allowing thousands to cross the border as a means of exerting pressure. This pattern was evident during the Ceuta crisis in 2021 and highlights that Spain is not funding a stable border policy, but rather financing a switch that Morocco can turn on and off at will.
Underlying this relationship is a troubling question that the Spanish government has yet to clarify. The Pegasus spyware incident, which extracted 2.57 gigabytes from Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez's phone and infected several ministers' devices, ended without identifying a perpetrator as Israel refused to cooperate with the investigation. French intelligence suggested a possible Moroccan connection, but it could not be proven. We remain unaware of what data was compromised, who commissioned the hack, or whether it relates to Sánchez's inexplicable shift in position regarding Western Sahara. While one cannot conclusively assert that this amounts to blackmail, it is evident that Spain altered its long-standing stance after its leader was spied upon, and the government continues to refuse to provide a satisfactory explanation.
The subservience extends even to the Spanish monarchy, as King Felipe VI has not officially visited Ceuta or Melilla during his reign. Although the Royal House has expressed a desire to visit Ceuta, the government has categorically refused. This illustrates the cost of kneeling: paying Morocco to monitor a border that it uses against us, remaining silent in the face of espionage without a known perpetrator, altering our position on Western Sahara, and treating a royal visit to national territory as if it required permission from Mohammed VI. Rabat has learned that it can pressure Spain without facing consequences and that betrayal is always rewarded.
As reported by libertaddigital.com.
