The Annexation of Cabo Juby and Its Historical Context
On April 10, 1958, before the Moroccan flag was even raised at Villa Bens, King Mohammed announced that the Spanish government had ceded the province of Cabo Juby in Spanish West Africa. At that moment, the monarch was unaware that Moroccan reconnaissance troops, led by Commander Oufkir, dispatched to take possession of the territory, had been halted by the Spanish army at the Cabo Juby border, on the Tan Tan track—the direct route from Morocco—thus becoming isolated. The territory was already considered Moroccan following the Cintra Agreement signed just nine days prior. However, the harsh reality was that they relied on the Spanish military, which had decisively won the brief, muted Ifni War. In exchange for this victory, Franco's regime had conceded to Morocco's first demand: Cabo Juby, the northernmost strip of Spanish West Africa.
This event would later be recounted by Hassan II in his 1978 memoirs, where he described his reaction as the heir apparent to the perceived affront from Spain, which had yet to withdraw. He stated, "I felt this deeply, especially since this region of Tarfaya (Cabo Juby) is, alongside the neighboring Sahara, the cradle of the Lemtouna, the men who wear the litham (veil). It was this people who founded the Almoravid dynasty in the 11th century, which ruled over Morocco, most of present-day Algeria (up to Algiers), and Córdoba, Seville, Granada, Murcia, and Valencia..."
On that same day, Hassan, who was also the head of the Moroccan Armed Forces, made the bold decision to mobilize 2,000 men to Cabo Juby in response to what he considered the humiliating presence of the Spanish. He even severed communications with Rabat for fear of reprimand from his father. The journey involved crossing the swollen Draa River and constructing a road for their vehicles. Hassan had to find a longer alternative route after Oufkir's confrontation with the II Bandera de la Legión, led by Lieutenant Álvaro Ballarín, who had blocked their access at Tan Tan, the Faro de Ceuta. They managed to reach Tarfaya a week later, only to find it devastated by the Spanish occupation. Upon returning to Rabat, he faced a stern reprimand from his father, who was dressed in black, before they embraced.
Morocco's National Aspirations and the Role of the United States
The ceremonial raising of the Moroccan flag in Villa Bens took place on May 19, symbolizing Morocco's unwavering determination regarding its territorial claims and the construction of a robust nationalist sentiment. Cabo Juby marked Spain's first concession to Morocco following the return of the Rif Protectorate, fueling the concept of Greater Morocco envisioned by ideologue Allal el-Fassi, which encompassed territories that had never truly belonged to the Alaouite kingdom or any Moroccan entity throughout history. The Spanish military operation, known as Operation Teide/Ecouvillon, which had ended the Moroccan revolt during the Ifni War, represented a significant military success that ultimately led to a political failure, as explained by Raúl José Martín Palma, author of "Spanish Sahara (1958-1976). Military History of the Last Province in Africa."
Martín Palma offers a rare thesis regarding U.S. non-interference in the Sahara and emphasizes the importance of U.S. positions in the relations between both countries. He argues that Spain did not leave the Sahara due to Washington's clandestine maneuvers favoring Rabat; rather, the U.S. prioritized its bases in Spanish territory for their strategic value, as evidenced by recent developments following Operation Epic Fury. He remarks, "I don't believe the United States ever supported Morocco against Spain. There were far more ties to the Peninsula, and they have always been much more interested in Spanish stability, as we are currently witnessing with the bases."
Furthermore, the book includes CIA documents that substantiate this view, detailing Kissinger's meetings in Madrid and Algeria's role. The recent tensions with the Trump administration over Sánchez's government position regarding the U.S. and Israel's Epic Fury operation against Iran have rekindled concerns about Morocco's historical claims to Ceuta and Melilla. However, the question remains: Is there any basis to think of a shift in influence and power that threatens these Spanish autonomous cities? What does the history of relationships among these three actors and the geostrategic dynamics of these territories and bases tell us?
The origins of these claims date back to the latter half of the last century during the decolonization period mandated by the UN. While Allal el-Fassi laid the groundwork for Greater Morocco shortly after World War II, the Alaouite royal family draped itself in the mysticism typical of romantic nationalism, fabricating a collection of distant historical events combined with practical aspirations of the present to justify an expansionist agenda that would also consolidate internal unity. It is no coincidence that Morocco faced independence movements like that of the Rif, the very axis of the Spanish protectorate from 1912 to 1956. Regarding the Sahara, Ifni, and Cabo Juby, Martín Palma is unequivocal: "This is entirely mythologized. Someone dreamed that if, in the 10th century, during the deep Middle Ages, it had once belonged to some sultan. That was never true. The Sahara, which has the full weight of the Sahrawis behind it, has never been Moroccan. It never was, and in fact, it still isn’t legally. Not even the southern area of the protectorate (Cabo Juby) was Moroccan territory; it had never been under its dominion."
In conclusion, Morocco's expansionist spirit persists, and its claims over territories are likely to continue indefinitely. The ongoing pressure on Ceuta and Melilla, characterized by a war in a "gray zone," will remain constant against Spain, which could have been mitigated if the Sahara had been maintained or if decolonization had been guaranteed from Madrid, as the UN has always demanded. Martín Palma asserts, "Morocco always has had an expansionist spirit and will continue to claim territories perpetually. What they call a gray zone war: when tensions rise, they send illegal immigrants, creating chaos, making headlines. It is the same type of conflict used during the Green March, employing civilians to penetrate the Sahara." He emphasizes that from a geostrategic perspective, it would have greatly benefited Spain to maintain control over the Sahara, as it would have provided a friendly nation to act as a buffer and mitigated the illegal transport organized towards the Canaries. Ultimately, the realities of history and current geopolitics continue to shape the ongoing narrative surrounding Morocco's territorial aspirations.
As reported by elconfidencial.com.
