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The Persistent Issue of Child Marriage in Morocco: A Social Phenomenon Resisting Reform

PUBLISHED July 29, 2026
The Persistent Issue of Child Marriage in Morocco: A Social Phenomenon Resisting Reform

Child Marriage: A Continuing Challenge in Morocco

Despite a notable decrease of 17.02% in child marriages between 2023 and 2024, as reported in the annual report by the Supreme Judicial Council of Morocco, this alarming phenomenon remains prevalent. The statistics reveal a troubling reality that disproportionately affects girls compared to boys and is more pronounced in rural areas than in urban environments. The figures present a complex narrative that goes beyond mere legal issues, calling for a deeper understanding and interpretation.

In Morocco, the legal age for marriage is set at 18 years according to Article 19 of the Family Code. However, Article 20 of the same law permits a family court judge to authorize the marriage of minors under certain conditions, requiring a justifiable decision outlining the interests and reasons for such an arrangement. According to the Supreme Judicial Council's annual report published in October 2025, a staggering 16,755 applications for marriage involving minors were recorded in 2024. While this figure marks a decrease of 3,437 applications from the previous year, it underscores the persistence of this practice.

Mohamed Ghzaiel, a clinical psychologist and sociologist specializing in gender issues, explains that the continued requests for child marriage likely reflect a coexistence of multiple normative systems. He emphasizes that while there is a legal framework defining the age of consent for marriage, some families still frame marriage within social, cultural, or familial contexts that give it a different meaning—an issue tied to social vulnerability. Over 96% of the applications involved unemployed individuals, and further compounding the issue, 15,503 applications—accounting for 92.53% of the total—pertained to minors not enrolled in school. This correlation indicates a strong link between early marriage and social and economic vulnerability.

Ghzaiel elucidates that economic hardships can reinforce certain cultural perceptions, while social norms heavily influence how families envision their children's futures. In certain contexts, marriage is perceived as a strategy for protection, stability, or social recognition, a perspective that does not necessarily imply positive outcomes but helps explain why some families continue to prefer this option.

The Urban-Rural Divide and Gender Disparity in Child Marriage

Another significant aspect of this issue is its concentration in rural areas. Statistics from the Child Protection Center (CSPJ) indicate that 13,091 applications, or 78.13% of the total, originated from rural populations, compared to just 3,664 applications from urban areas, representing 21.87%. Ghzaiel attributes this rural concentration to various factors, including limited access to education, healthcare, economic opportunities, and information, along with the influence of community networks and local social norms. However, he asserts that child marriage is not solely a rural phenomenon, stating, "It is inaccurate to consider this practice as exclusively rural, as it also exists in urban areas, often in less visible forms." This assertion is validated by the regional disparities evident in the report. The judicial district of the Marrakech Court of Appeals recorded the highest number of applications, totaling 2,941, which constitutes 17.55% of the overall figure, followed by Fes with 2,394 applications (14.29%) and Kenitra with 1,480 requests (8.83%). The report further reveals that the judicial district of the Errachidia Court of Appeals leads in the acceptance rate of marriage applications from minors, with a striking 81.01% acceptance, followed by Fes at 76.56% and Kenitra at 75.65%.

Despite the geographical boundaries, the gendered nature of this issue is particularly pronounced, with applications concerning girls making up the vast majority of cases—16,501 applications compared to just 254 involving boys. From a psychological and social perspective, marriage carries risks such as school dropout, economic dependency, psychological difficulties, and limited opportunities for personal development. Nonetheless, Ghzaiel urges a nuanced understanding of these cases, emphasizing that individual pathways are influenced by numerous factors, including family support, living conditions, marital relationships, and resource availability.

The central question extends beyond the impact of early marriage on young girls; it delves into what it reveals about the fragility of society. Ghzaiel points out that resorting to this practice might indicate that other institutions—particularly schools, social protection systems, public policies, or family support frameworks—are not adequately addressing certain needs or vulnerabilities. While the reform of the family law (the Code) reignites discussions around family and women's rights, the critical question remains: Is legal reform sufficient to eradicate child marriage?

Ghzaiel argues that a comprehensive approach is necessary, asserting that "laws alone do not change social concepts or cultural practices." He emphasizes that combating child marriage requires multiple factors to be addressed, including education, awareness-raising, improving social and economic conditions, providing educational opportunities, and engaging in dialogue with local stakeholders.

As reported by nichanealane.ma.

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