Political Cynicism and the Use of Morocco as a Political Tool
Recent statements have gained particular resonance against the backdrop of a campaign aimed at demonizing Morocco, a situation that has unfolded over the past six weeks. The Popular Party (PP) of Spain, acutely aware of the animosity felt by substantial sectors of the Spanish public towards Morocco, appears determined to exploit this opportunity to its advantage. Rather than fostering diplomatic relations, the PP, under the leadership of Alberto Núñez Feijóo, is using anti-Moroccan rhetoric as a weapon in the internal political battles of Spain, with the ultimate goal of undermining Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez ahead of the upcoming elections, potentially forcing him into early elections.
The cynicism displayed by Feijóo and other PP officials, including Juan Vivas, knows no bounds. Instead of seeking to de-escalate tensions and avoid initiatives that might further aggravate relations between Morocco and Spain, Feijóo opted to issue a statement accusing Morocco of being involved in a "hybrid war" against Spain, despite a report from Spain's National Intelligence Center (CNI) affirming the lack of evidence to support such claims. This strategy reflects the PP's understanding that disparaging Morocco could yield significant political dividends in a country where historical narratives and cultural consensus have often marginalized Moroccans.
Rather than pursuing solutions to the issues arising from the crisis in Ceuta, Feijóo appears to believe it more politically expedient to evade responsibility and ignore the realities of the situation, opting instead to point fingers at Morocco as a convenient scapegoat.
The Historical Context of Anti-Moroccan Sentiment
A brief historical overview highlights the cynicism of Feijóo and the double standards of the PP, particularly in the context of the Spanish far-right. A notable instance occurred between September 26 and October 6, 2005, when over ten mass attempts to breach the border at Melilla resulted in the deaths of ten sub-Saharan migrants. At that time, Morocco bore the brunt of the migratory pressures and took on the reputational costs of the unsavory work Spain refused to undertake. In an effort to manage the continuous influx into Ceuta and Melilla, Rabat increased the number of gendarmes from 7,000 to 8,600 and deployed an additional 2,000 soldiers in the region.
While reasonable voices within Spanish political and media circles acknowledged and commended Morocco's efforts to curb irregular migration, Mariano Rajoy—then in opposition—chose to accuse the incumbent Prime Minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, of demonstrating weakness towards Morocco. Rajoy asserted that the mass entries were occurring with the "acquiescence" of Morocco, suggesting that Moroccan authorities were deliberately turning a blind eye to "blackmail" Spain.
As the current debate surrounding the Ceuta crisis unfolds, numerous analysts and commentators have resorted to insinuations and conjectures to place blame on Morocco. Rajoy followed a similar pattern, implying that the mass assaults on the fences of Ceuta and Melilla occurred because Morocco was "looking the other way" and ignoring the existence of camps housing thousands of people on its side of the border.
In a particularly unfounded and grotesque accusation, Rajoy suggested that those involved in the mass assaults had been transported by train and bus to the borders of Ceuta and Melilla. Such baseless claims echo the conspiratorial narratives espoused by many Spanish commentators since the massive entry of migrants into Ceuta last July. Despite the CNI report debunking the notion of Moroccan orchestration behind the Ceuta crisis, Feijóo and his political allies continue to invoke these allegations to galvanize voter sympathy or present themselves as guardians of true Spanish patriotism.
Interestingly, the dynamic shifts dramatically when Rajoy transitioned from opposition to government. Once in power, he frequently praised Morocco's cooperation in managing migration and its role in curbing flows to Ceuta and Melilla. During the 10th High-Level Meeting between Spain and Morocco in 2012, Rajoy highlighted the excellent cooperation between the two nations in combating illegal immigration, referring to it as "exemplary". His tone shifted drastically, recognizing Morocco as a loyal and reliable partner in migration issues, a stark contrast to his previous rhetoric.
Ultimately, as someone familiar with the complex history of Morocco-Spain relations, it is no surprise to see political leaders and commentators resorting to the same outdated stereotypes and conspiracies to accuse Morocco of blackmailing Spain. The irony is that Feijóo knows well that if the PP comes to power with Vox, they will abandon their anti-Moroccan rhetoric and adopt the same laudatory language towards Morocco that they currently criticize.
As reported by fr.le360.ma.
