The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) finds itself at a critical juncture as the election campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23rd commences. This moment is particularly sensitive not only due to the electoral stakes involved but also because of the outcomes of the preparation phase leading to these elections. In the lead-up to this pivotal point, the party has experienced a significant wave of resignations, departures, and political shifts among several leaders and prominent figures. Many individuals with a leftist background have chosen to join other political parties, highlighting a striking decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its position at the forefront of the Moroccan left and attract influential names from its political and historical milieu.
Sequential Departures from the USFP
Despite the party leadership presenting their list of candidates as a reflection of "renewal and openness to competencies," a closer examination of the names reveals a more complex picture, especially when juxtaposed with notable figures who have left the party or opted to participate in the upcoming elections under different banners. The USFP, which has historically been one of the most significant political entities of the Moroccan left for decades, now appears less capable of retaining experienced members who have accumulated organizational and activist experience within its ranks. This trend has led some leftist figures to seek political spaces elsewhere, whether within the New Left Alliance or other competing parties.
One of the most telling examples of this shift is Abdelhadi Khairat, a historical leader of the USFP and a prominent figure linked to the party's memory, youth, and media. In February, he chose to join the Party of Progress and Socialism after a long-standing rupture with the USFP, culminating in a relationship with the First Secretary, Idriss Lachgar, reaching a point of no return. Khairat stated in an interview that his decision to join the "Book" party followed several political discussions, emphasizing his conviction that continuing within the USFP was no longer viable, reflecting the deep divide that had characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The indicators of this troubling trend are not limited to historical figures alone. In recent weeks, a series of resignations linked, to various degrees, to the management of candidacies and electoral lists has unfolded. The USFP's political bureau accepted the resignation of Rija Al-Baqali Al-Tahiri and announced that Maryam Jamal Al-Idrisi was relinquishing her affiliation with the party amidst controversies surrounding the selection process for regional lists. While the party asserts that these processes adhered to its statutes and internal regulations, the individuals involved offered differing interpretations of how these rules and criteria were applied.
The situation intensified with the resignation of Salwa Al-Damnati, a former member of the political bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures after publicly criticizing its management methods and political choices. Similarly, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Wazzan, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, along with several other USFP members, underscores the significance of this exodus, particularly as it occurred during a period when parties were preparing to reorganize their local bases ahead of the elections.
Is the Moroccan Left Moving Beyond the USFP?
The issue for the USFP transcends the mere loss of prominent names; it raises deeper questions about the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left itself. Notably, the discourse surrounding the future of the left has shifted; it no longer revolves solely around the USFP's ability to lead this political current but rather about the emergence of new centers of attraction that could compete for the talents and figures of leftist backgrounds. In this context, the establishment of the "Left Alliance" between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3rd serves as a new political framework aimed explicitly at unifying part of the leftist diaspora and contesting the legislative elections under a joint political project. Both parties have asserted that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at constructing a democratic and progressive alternative, transcending the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
Conversely, the USFP has struggled to realize its "project" for an alliance with the Party of Progress and Socialism, announced in 2023, as this effort quickly stagnated despite the historical common ground shared between the two parties, given their joint participation in the "Democratic Bloc". In the 2021 elections, they collectively secured a total of 56 seats, with 34 attributed to the USFP and 22 to their allies under Nabil Benabdallah.
As the election approaches, the USFP's candidate list presents itself in a distinctly different light. While it is geographically expansive and incorporates a considerable number of constituencies, the names that command significant national attention appear relatively limited. Among them are Abdel Karim Benatiq, a former minister and well-known party figure, and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate in the Rabat-Shalla constituency, who stands out primarily due to being the son of the First Secretary.
The discussion surrounding the nature of this list intensifies, particularly as the USFP has relied, in several regions, on attracting individuals with prior political careers outside the party. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several candidates previously affiliated with other parties have been presented, exemplifying a strategy of attracting political "nomads." Notable names emerging from this landscape include Ahmed Al-Toumi, Hamid Al-Akroud, Abdel Samad Akdach, and Abdel Ghani Kamal.
This paradox raises a compelling political question: Has the USFP, once a historical school for training activists and leaders, increasingly relied on recruiting established figures from outside its organizational structure while witnessing the departure of some of its own members and leaders to other parties? While Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of local list candidates represent new faces and that the party is betting on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative faces scrutiny regarding the essence of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the USFP but rather serves as a compensatory measure for organizational shortcomings.
Lachgar faces significant criticism for purportedly sidelining genuine "USFP activists" in favor of electoral figures in pursuit of parliamentary seats, thereby diverting focus from rebuilding the party. This mirrors events in 2021 involving the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's bypassing of local organizations in candidate selection, leading to Lachgar dissolving the regional secretariat to resolve the conflict, resulting in both parties entering into a legal dispute.
This point is crucial for understanding the transformation that has occurred within the USFP; the party no longer possesses the same reservoir of leaders and activists who once constituted its organizational, union, and intellectual extension. Additionally, many figures historically associated with the USFP's line have either exited the party or distanced themselves from decision-making centers within it. Furthermore, membership in the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice for many new leftist figures, as alternative frameworks emerge, presenting themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
