The recent electoral patterns of French citizens residing in Morocco reveal intriguing insights into their political inclinations. During the second round of the 2022 French presidential elections, Marine Le Pen garnered only **12.56%** of the votes from the French community in Morocco, a stark contrast to her **41.46%** support within France. This statistic indicates that Morocco is far from being a stronghold for the National Rally (Rassemblement National, RN). Notably, Jean-Luc Mélenchon led the first round of voting in Morocco with **40.24%** of the votes. However, a closer examination of the voting map uncovers a significant divide. In the second round, Le Pen received **27.9%** of the votes in Agadir and **21.6%** in Marrakech, while her support dwindled to around **9%** in Casablanca and Rabat, and less than **8%** in Fès. The first round also saw Le Pen and Éric Zemmour collectively receiving nearly **24%** of the votes in Agadir and **21%** in Marrakech.
As we approach the European elections in 2024, this trend appears to persist. In Agadir, the RN under Jordan Bardella secured **22.93%** of the votes, surpassing La France Insoumise (LFI), while Reconquête obtained **9.48%**. In Marrakech, the RN and Reconquête together accounted for nearly **28%** of the votes. Meanwhile, the RN's support remained minimal in Rabat at **5.9%**, **4.36%** in Tangier, and **5.97%** in Fès. Such electoral geography warrants closer inspection, particularly the paradox surrounding Agadir.
The Paradox of Agadir
Agadir is home to a significant community of French retirees, many of whom are drawn to the region for its favorable living conditions. In 2022, over half of the French citizens registered on the consular electoral roll in Agadir were over the age of 60. The local Union of French Citizens Abroad had around 800 members, with **80%** being retirees. Factors such as climate, security, proximity to France, taxation, and cost of living have long been compelling reasons for this migration.
It is essential to acknowledge that these French individuals are, in fact, migrants. Yet, we often employ a strangely asymmetric vocabulary in this context. A Moroccan who moves to France is labeled an "immigrant," while a French person who settles in Morocco is almost automatically referred to as an "expatriate." This distinction is not trivial; the term "immigrant" implies a need for justification and regulation, while "expatriate" suggests a voluntary and natural choice to live abroad. In both cases, individuals leave their home countries for new lives elsewhere.
Unequal Passports and Migratory Privileges
This lexical asymmetry is rooted in a more tangible inequality. A French citizen can enter Morocco **without a visa for stays up to 90 days**, relying solely on their passport. After this period, they are required to regularize their status with Moroccan authorities, with the risk of fines or expulsion for overstaying. In stark contrast, a Moroccan wishing to visit France faces a significantly different process, needing to apply for a visa, submit documentation, schedule appointments at TLS centers, pay fees, and endure a waiting period for a consular decision. For short visits, France-Visas indicates a minimum processing time of seven to ten days, potentially extending to three weeks during peak seasons, followed by additional weeks to secure an appointment. A stay exceeding three months necessitates a long-stay visa and accompanying proof of resources, accommodation, and health insurance.
The inequality in mobility is stark: one can travel freely while the other must seek permission to enter. This discrepancy is so ingrained in our worldview that it often appears natural. Furthermore, sociologist Lorena Gazzotti has documented instances of Europeans living in Morocco **without residency permits**, simply exiting the country every 90 days for a new entry stamp, with some even working despite their administrative status prohibiting it. These infractions frequently go unnoticed or unpunished, in contrast to the scrutiny faced by migrants from more marginalized groups.
This brings us to the question of privilege in migration. Researchers Jordan Pinel and Brenda Le Bigot have explored the lives of French retirees in Agadir, revealing that their migration is facilitated by favorable positions within **social, national, and racial hierarchies in a postcolonial context**. The French passport enhances mobility, the disparity in living standards boosts purchasing power, the shared French language eases settlement, and the historical ties between France and Morocco create a particularly welcoming environment for French nationals. Thus, the phenomenon is not merely about retirees seeking sunshine; a relatively modest French income can afford a higher standard of living in Morocco than it would in France, allowing for comfortable housing, accessible dining, leisure activities, and domestic services.
Moreover, many retirees maintain limited social ties with Moroccans, often interacting primarily through businesses, artisans, and service providers like gardeners and maintenance staff. The French or European social circle remains significant, leading to a complex dynamic of dominance. This does not imply that every French retiree in Agadir is nostalgic for colonial rule, but rather that the objective situation often places migrants from the Global North in economically and socially advantageous positions compared to many locals. They migrate, but they do so from a position of strength.
In conclusion, the voting patterns of French citizens in Morocco prompt critical reflection on the intersection of migration, power dynamics, and social hierarchies. While individual experiences may vary, there exists a broader question concerning the legitimacy of migration based on perceived power relations. The implications of such disparities in mobility and status must be acknowledged, as they shape not only individual narratives but also collective attitudes toward migration and belonging.
As reported by blogs.mediapart.fr.
