Historical Lessons for Morocco's Omar Hilal
Abdelaziz Rahabi, a former Algerian minister and diplomat, has recently made headlines with his strong rebuttal to alarming statements issued by Morocco’s permanent representative to the United Nations, Omar Hilal, as well as remarks from Moroccan writer Tahar Ben Jelloun and former Tunisian President Moncef Marzouki. Despite their varying perspectives, these comments collectively exhibit a notable animosity toward Algeria. In a detailed contribution published in the newspaper 'El Khabar,' Rahabi specifically addressed Hilal's assertion that Algeria did not exist prior to 1962, claiming that this lack of historical understanding implies Algeria cannot grasp the concept of territorial unity. Rahabi contended that Hilal's remarks demonstrate a fundamental ignorance of history, conflating the modern state—a concept rooted in Western thought from the late 16th century—with ancient history.
Rahabi emphasized that Algeria's rich history, spanning thousands of years, is grounded in the legacy of Numidia, which serves as a foundational element in terms of both geographical space and national identity. He pointed out that since the era of Masinissa, a king from over 2200 years ago, Algeria has remarkably maintained its territorial integrity, even through the upheaval of French colonialism, which saw part of Algeria's western borders ceded to Morocco in the 1845 Treaty of Lalla Maghnia. It is essential to understand that Numidia possessed all the characteristics of a state long before the emergence of the Ottoman Empire, France, or Morocco, including land, population, and governance by local princes who resisted the expansive ambitions of Rome and Carthage. This, according to Rahabi, gives a crucial meaning to national sovereignty in Algeria.
Debunking the “Blue March” Narrative
Furthermore, Rahabi did not shy away from addressing the claims made by Moroccan writer Tahar Ben Jelloun, who alleged that Algeria was behind the 'Blue March'—the recent mass migration towards Ceuta. Ben Jelloun's assertion that Algerians constituted the majority of migrants was firmly countered by Rahabi, who pointed out that the facts contradict Ben Jelloun's narrative. He suggested that Ben Jelloun is aware of the truth but continues to propagate such ideas with the sole intention of damaging Algeria's reputation, linking it to the despair and violence associated with the tragedy in Ceuta, while portraying Algeria as a significant threat to peace and security in Europe. Rahabi underscored that Ben Jelloun, as a prominent figure and propagandist, could serve his country more legitimately without resorting to overt hostility towards Algeria. His rhetoric appears to be an attempt to mitigate the negative impact of the Ceuta invasion on Morocco's image, which relies heavily on its public perception.
In his assessment, Rahabi expressed concern over the dehumanization of migrants, who are increasingly viewed as diplomatic tools in the context of Algeria's vulnerabilities, particularly regarding drug trafficking. The former minister also revisited Moncef Marzouki's recent call for a new 'Hirak' (uprising) among Algerians, criticizing him for his emphasis on the unique relationship with Tunisia, which he referred to as the nation that has lost a historical opportunity for democratic transition following the fall of Ben Ali. Rahabi argued that Marzouki's actions demonstrate a troubling alignment with France and Morocco's diplomatic objectives, undermining Tunisia's longstanding positive neutrality regarding the Western Sahara issue.
Ultimately, Rahabi perceives a troubling trend among these three statements, all emerging within a month, marked by a consistent animosity toward Algeria and a shared underlying agenda. He attributes the source of these sentiments to the Moroccan 'Makhzen,' which adeptly practices dual diplomacy. While sending calming signals and appearing eager to normalize relations with Algeria through channels in France, the USA, and Saudi Arabia, the Makhzen simultaneously mobilizes its institutions and informal intermediaries to sustain a strategy of perpetual tension against Algeria, a tactic initiated by King Hassan II right after Algeria gained its independence in 1963 through armed aggression. Rahabi highlights that this rhetoric has increasingly abandoned the nuances of diplomatic decorum, drawing boldness from the support of extreme lobbying groups in the United States, which demand that Algeria pay a price for its stance on Palestine and pressure it to relinquish its commitment to self-determination in Western Sahara.
In conclusion, Rahabi elucidated that this discourse aims to tarnish Algeria’s image, portraying it as a state opposed to Western interests, thereby allowing Morocco to monopolize the representation of its interests in the region. While Algeria does not contest this role, it firmly asserts that it will not become a pawn in the geopolitical struggle that threatens to turn the region into a battleground for the great powers and a site of various international intrigues.
As reported by awras.com.
