Political Turmoil and Leadership Changes Within the Socialist Union Party
The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) is currently navigating a critical juncture as it embarks on its election campaign for the legislative elections set for September 23. This moment is particularly sensitive not only due to the electoral stakes but also because of the outcomes that have emerged from the preparations leading to these elections. In the lead-up to this pivotal moment, the party has experienced a wave of resignations and defections from several leaders and prominent figures within the organization. This trend has highlighted a significant decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its position at the forefront of the Moroccan left, as several individuals with leftist backgrounds have chosen to affiliate with other political parties, reflecting a troubling trend for the once-prominent party known as the "rose."
Despite the party leadership presenting their candidate list as a representation of renewal and openness towards talent, the reality painted by the departure of notable figures complicates this narrative. Historically, the USFP has been one of the leading political entities of the Moroccan left for decades; however, it now appears less capable of retaining influential names that have accumulated organizational and activist experience within its ranks. This trend is further compounded by some leftist figures seeking new political arenas, either within the New Left Alliance or in competing parties.
One of the most telling examples of this shift is the case of Abdelhadi Khairat, a historical leader and a significant figure linked to the party's legacy and youth movement. In February, he made the decision to join the Party of Progress and Socialism after a prolonged estrangement from the USFP, indicating a breakdown in his relationship with the party's Secretary-General, Idriss Lachgar. Khairat publicly stated that his move to the "book" party was the result of political consultations, underscoring his belief that he could no longer continue within the USFP, which illustrates the depth of the rift that has characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
This trend of resignations is not limited to historical figures; recent weeks have seen a series of departures linked to various degrees of dissatisfaction with the management of nominations and electoral lists. The USFP's Political Bureau accepted the resignation of Rjaâa Al-Baqali Tahiri and announced that Maryam Jamal Al-Idrissi had also renounced her party membership amid controversies surrounding the results of the regional list selection process. While the party asserts that the process adhered to its statutes and internal regulations, the individuals involved have provided differing interpretations of how those rules and standards were implemented.
The situation escalated further with the resignation of Salwa Damanati, a former member of the Political Bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party on August 31 following criticisms of the party's management approach and organizational choices. Similarly, Omar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Ouezzane, shifted his allegiance to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, accompanied by several other USFP members. This move, made public in late August, carries significant weight given Hamza's previous organizational role within the USFP and comes at a time when parties are gearing up to reshape their local bases in preparation for upcoming elections.
The Future of the Moroccan Left: Has the USFP Been Outpaced?
The predicament facing the USFP extends beyond merely losing prominent figures; it raises deeper questions about the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left. A striking paradox in the upcoming 2026 elections is that discussions about the future of the left are no longer centered on the USFP's ability to lead this movement but rather on the emergence of new centers of attraction that could rival it for talent and influential individuals with leftist backgrounds. In this context, the establishment of the "Left Alliance" between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 has created a new political framework that explicitly seeks to unify parts of the left's fragmented landscape and contest the legislative elections with a joint political project. Both parties have emphasized that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but rather a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative, overcoming the disunity that has characterized the left in recent years.
On the other hand, the USFP has struggled to realize its proposed alliance with the Party of Progress and Socialism, announced in 2023, as this initiative quickly stalled despite the shared historical ground between the two parties. Together, they secured a total of 56 seats during the 2021 elections, with 34 going to the USFP and 22 to their counterparts led by Nabil Benabdallah.
Currently, the USFP's candidate list presents itself in a different light. Despite its geographic expansion and inclusion of a significant number of constituencies, the names that stand out as capable of attracting national attention appear relatively limited. Prominent among them are Abdel Karim Benatiq, a former minister and a well-known figure within the party, and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate in the Rabat Shala constituency, primarily noted for being the son of the Secretary-General.
The discourse surrounding this candidate list intensifies, especially considering that the USFP has relied on attracting individuals with prior political trajectories outside the party in several regions. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several names presented have previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, which marks a strategy of attracting political "nomads." Notable figures emerging in this context include Ahmed El Toumi, Hamid Al-Akrud, Abdesamad Akdash, and Abdelghani Kamal.
This paradox raises a significant political question: Has the USFP, which historically served as a school for developing activists and leaders, increasingly depended on attracting ready-made names from outside its organizational framework, even as some of its own members and leaders are departing to other parties? While Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of local list candidates represent new faces, and that the party is focusing on youth, women, and competencies, this rhetoric faces criticism regarding the meaning of renewal, which seems to no longer stem from within the USFP but rather compensates for an organizational deficit.
Lachgar is facing sharp criticisms for allegedly sidelining actual "Unionists" in favor of electoral figures in pursuit of parliamentary seats, which detracts from the focus on rebuilding the party. This situation mirrors the 2021 events involving Ahmed Yahya, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, who opposed Lachgar's bypassing of local organizations in candidate selection. Lachgar subsequently dissolved the regional committee, leading to a legal dispute between the two.
This point is central to understanding the transformation that has occurred within the USFP. The party no longer possesses the same momentum or reservoir of leaders and activists that once characterized its organizational, union, and intellectual outreach. Furthermore, many figures historically associated with the USFP's line have either left the party or become distanced from decision-making centers within it, while affiliation with the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice for many new leftist figures, as other frameworks are emerging that present themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
