Critical Transition for the Socialist Union Party
The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) finds itself at a pivotal moment as it embarks on its electoral campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This juncture is particularly sensitive not only due to the stakes involved in the upcoming elections but also because of the outcomes of the preparation phase that preceded them. In the lead-up to this critical period, the party has experienced a wave of resignations and departures, witnessing significant political transitions among several leaders and notable figures within its ranks. This trend has been underscored by the migration of individuals with leftist backgrounds to other political parties, a move that starkly highlights the diminishing ability of the USFP, often symbolized by the ‘rose,’ to maintain its leading position within the Moroccan left and attract prominent names from its political and historical milieu.
Resignation and Departure Trends
Despite the party's leadership presenting their list of candidates as a reflection of renewal and openness to talent, a closer examination of the names put forward reveals a more complicated reality. The Socialist Union, which has long been one of the most significant political entities in Moroccan leftist politics, now appears less capable of retaining key figures who have accumulated organizational and activist experience within its ranks. At the same time, a segment of leftist figures is exploring alternative political spaces, either within the newly formed Left Alliance or in competing parties. The case of Abdelhadi Khairat is particularly indicative of this shift. The historic USFP leader, who has been a prominent figure associated with the party's legacy and youth, opted to join the Party of Progress and Socialism in February, following a protracted estrangement from the USFP and a relationship with its First Secretary, Idriss Lachgar, that reached a point of no return. Khairat stated that his decision followed political discussions and consultations, expressing his conviction that continuing within the USFP was no longer viable, which underscores the depth of the rift that has characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The indicators of hemorrhage are not limited to historical symbols. In recent weeks, a series of resignations tied to various grievances regarding the management of endorsements and electoral lists have surfaced. The USFP's Political Bureau accepted the resignation of Rjaâa El-Bakali Al-Tahiri and announced the departure of Mariam Jamal El-Idrissi from the party, amid controversy surrounding the results of the selection process for regional candidates. While the party asserts that the procedures adhered to its statutes and internal laws and that the Political Bureau unanimously approved the decisions made by the adjudication committees, the individuals involved have presented differing interpretations of how these rules and standards were implemented.
The situation escalated with the resignation of Salwa El-Demnati, a former member of the Political Bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures on August 31, following criticisms she directed towards the management methodology and organizational and political choices. Similarly, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Wazzan to the Party of Authenticity and Modernity, along with several other cadres and USFP members, was officially announced at the end of August. This departure is significant given Hamza's previous organizational role within the party and comes at a time when parties are preparing to reshape their local bases in anticipation of the elections.
Thus, the issue for the USFP transcends the mere loss of certain names, delving into a deeper query regarding the party's position within the broader landscape of Moroccan leftism. A striking paradox in the upcoming 2026 elections is that discussions about the future of the left no longer center around the USFP's capacity to lead this movement, but rather the potential emergence of new centers of attraction that might compete for leftist talents and figures.
In this context, the establishment of the Left Alliance between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 serves as a new political framework that openly declares its desire to unify part of the leftist diaspora and contest the legislative elections with a joint political project. Both parties confirmed that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative and overcoming the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
On the other hand, the USFP has struggled to bring its announced project of alliance with the Party of Progress and Socialism to fruition, as the process stalled quickly, despite the historical common ground between the two, both of which are part of the democratic bloc and together secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections—34 for the USFP and 22 for its ally, Nabil Benabdallah.
The current list of the USFP presents itself in a different light. Even though it is geographically expansive and encompasses a considerable number of districts, the names that seem most capable of attracting national attention appear relatively limited. Among them are Abdel Karim Benatiq, a former minister and a well-known figure within the party, and Hassan Lachkar, the party's candidate in the Rabat-Shalla district, who has gained prominence primarily as the son of the First Secretary.
The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies, as the USFP itself has relied in several regions on attracting individuals with previous political trajectories outside the party. In the Marrakech-Safi region, for instance, several names presented previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, reflecting a strategy of attracting ‘political nomads.’ Among the noteworthy names in this context are Ahmed El-Toumi, Hamid Al-Akroud, Abdel Samad Akdash, and Abdel Ghani Kamel. This paradox raises a significant political question: Has the USFP, historically seen as a bastion for training activists and leaders, increasingly relied on attracting ready-made names from outside its organizational structure, while some of its own members and leaders migrate to other parties?
While Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of local list representatives are new faces and that the party is betting on youth, women, and competencies, this narrative is met with debate regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer emerges from within the federative school but is seen as a substitute for organizational deficiencies. Lachgar faces sharp criticism for allegedly sidelining genuine ‘USFP members’ in favor of electoral faces in pursuit of parliamentary seats, returning the focus to rebuilding the party, akin to what transpired in 2021 with the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar’s bypassing of local organizations in candidate selection. This conflict culminated in Lachgar dissolving the regional secretariat to complete it, leading to a legal battle between the two.
This point is central to understanding the transformation that has occurred within the Socialist Union Party. The USFP no longer possesses the same breadth of leadership and activist reservoir that once constituted its organizational, syndical, and intellectual extension. Moreover, a significant portion of the figures historically linked to the USFP line now find themselves outside the party or distanced from decision-making centers. Additionally, membership in the USFP no longer appears to be the obvious choice for many new leftist figures, especially as other frameworks emerge that present themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
