The recent announcement of early elections in Spain, prompted by the failure of housing decrees, has significantly shifted the political landscape in the country. On November 29, Spanish citizens will head to the polls to determine whether the current government remains in power or if the Partido Popular (PP) will emerge victorious, as recent polls suggest. However, beyond the implications for Spain, various Moroccan media outlets and communicators have begun to express their positions regarding the elections, advocating for the continuation of Pedro Sánchez as a favorable choice for Rabat's interests.

Reports surfaced a few days ago, brought to light by Sahrawi analyst Taleb Alisalem, indicating that several Facebook accounts with hundreds of thousands of followers have explicitly called for votes in favor of the socialist candidate. Notably, the page 'News Marroquíes España,' which translates to 'Moroccan News Spain,' has more than 117,000 followers and has directly urged its audience to support Sánchez. This message aligns with other social media campaigns suggesting that a potential right-wing victory could be detrimental to Moroccans residing in Spain.

As Taleb Alisalem highlighted on social media, messages urging the Moroccan community in Spain to vote for Sánchez have gained traction, being shared extensively across various forums and groups within the Moroccan diaspora. It is important to note that while the Moroccan community represents one of the largest foreign-origin populations in Spain, there is a distinction between those who maintain Moroccan nationality and those who have acquired Spanish citizenship. Only the latter group is eligible to vote in general elections, with estimates suggesting that around 300,000 Spanish citizens of Moroccan descent possess voting rights. This figure contrasts with approximately 1.16 million Moroccan nationals living in Spain.

Despite a historical tendency for the Moroccan community in Spain to lean towards leftist voting, it is crucial to acknowledge that the overall voter turnout has been notably lower than the national average, with abstention rates approximately 15 to 20 points higher. Thus, these mobilization efforts may not yield the desired results.

The phenomenon of social media mobilization is not entirely new. In the elections of 2019 and 2023, the Union of Socialist Forces (USFP), a Moroccan party affiliated with the Socialist International and historically linked to the PSOE, had also requested electoral support for the Spanish socialists. In this instance, the relationship between the two parties provides context for understanding these endorsements without necessarily attributing them to a broader institutional strategy or a special relationship with the Moroccan government.

Interestingly, journalist Soulaiman Raissouni, who has a substantial online following, presented a video on social media portraying Sánchez as a "friend of the Moroccan people and government," positioning him as a candidate aligned with Rabat's interests. It is essential to clarify that this represents the opinion of an individual communicator rather than an official stance from the Moroccan state.

The usage of social media to mobilize foreign-origin communities draws parallels to previous instances where the circulation of messages and rumors influenced population movements at the Ceuta border, as analyzed in various reports.

Moroccan Press Perspectives

The call to vote from several Facebook pages does not, by itself, indicate a coordinated strategy or an official position from Morocco. However, it is more intriguing to observe the local press and analyses published in recent days that explore the potential consequences of the electoral results for bilateral relations.

The media outlet Marruecom, part of the Barlamane information group and published in Spanish, featured an analysis by Abdelhamid Beyuki on October 5, focusing primarily on the exhaustion of Sánchez's government, the housing crisis, and parliamentary challenges. In its section dedicated to Morocco, the analyst suggests that the election outcome could impact bilateral relations, although he cautions that shared interests in migration, security, trade, and cooperation complicate any radical shift in direction.

The origin of the media outlet adds a crucial contextual element, as Barlamane was founded by Mohamed Khabbachi, a former communications director for the Moroccan Ministry of Interior. This connection allows for an interesting examination of the editorial line of the group, although it does not necessarily confirm that its publications reflect government directives.

Simultaneously, the magazine TelQuel, a prominent publication in Morocco, also analyzed the implications of the Spanish electoral call on October 5. The article emphasizes bilateral issues that could be influenced by a change in government, including the proposal for Sahrawi nationality and the possibility that Vox could make its relationship with Morocco a central campaign issue.

While the analyses differ in focus, they converge on the idea that relations with Spain could be affected by the electoral results. The concern extends beyond Sánchez's continuity, highlighting the potential for the Spanish political debate to introduce new tensions on sensitive matters for Rabat.

Moreover, Médias24, a leading economic media outlet in Morocco, addressed the topic following a speech by King Mohamed VI on October 9. In an article by editor Wissam El Bouzdaini, a favorable interpretation of a new phase of cooperation between the two countries is presented, criticizing the politicization of immigration. The text asserts that the more hardline positions of the Spanish right could complicate bilateral relations and questions the use of migration issues as a tool for political confrontation.

The alignment of these analyses does not prove the existence of a coordinated campaign to support the PSOE but does indicate clear interests. The Spanish elections are viewed as a potential game of benefits or detriments should the socialist candidate lose the elections.

Economic Interests and the Western Sahara Issue

At the heart of this concern lies, first and foremost, the shift in Spain's position on Western Sahara in March 2022. Sánchez's decision to endorse Morocco's autonomy proposal as a basis for resolving the conflict has opened a new chapter in relations between the two countries, helping to overcome the diplomatic crisis that had pitted Madrid against Rabat, which clearly benefitted Morocco.

This political factor is complemented by economic interests, with Spain and Morocco exchanging goods worth approximately 22.757 billion euros in 2025. This relationship encompasses investments and business activities across various sectors, including automotive, textiles, and infrastructure, with Spanish companies integrated into Moroccan production chains.

Furthermore, cooperation on migration and security completes this intricate framework. Issues such as border management, combating human trafficking networks, and police coordination necessitate constant dialogue between the two governments. A deterioration in diplomatic relations could impact these areas, although it does not necessarily imply that a PP-led government would dismantle existing agreements.

Beyond the messages circulated on social media, Moroccan press coverage places the Spanish elections within a context of economic and strategic interests. Their analyses underscore the risks of heightened political confrontation and present the continuity of the Sánchez government as a crucial aspect of their interests.

As reported by eleconomista.es.