The Socialist Union Party (USFP) finds itself at a critical juncture as it embarks on its electoral campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This moment is marked not just by its electoral ambitions, but also by the outcomes that have emerged from the preparation phase leading up to these elections. In the lead-up to this pivotal moment, the party has experienced a series of resignations and exits by several of its leaders and prominent figures, with many leftist individuals choosing to join other political parties. This trend reflects a significant decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its position at the forefront of the Moroccan left and to attract notable figures from its political and historical milieu.
Continuous Departures from the USFP
Despite the party leadership presenting its list of candidates as a representation of renewal and openness to competencies, a closer look at the names presented reveals a more complex picture. The USFP, which has been one of the most significant political icons of the Moroccan left for decades, appears less capable of retaining experienced names that have accumulated organizational and activist expertise within its ranks. Concurrently, a portion of leftist figures are exploring political spaces elsewhere, whether within the New Left Alliance or competing parties. A notable example of this shift is Abdul Hadi Khairat, a historical leader of the USFP and a prominent name associated with the party's legacy and youth. In February, he chose to join the Progress and Socialism Party after a prolonged rift with the USFP and a relationship with the party's first secretary, Idriss Lachgar, that reached a point of no return. Khairat stated in a televised interview that his decision to join the 'Book' Party followed political consultations and that he became convinced of the impossibility of continuing within the USFP, underscoring the deep-seated rupture that characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The indicators of this exodus do not only concern historical figures; in recent weeks, a series of resignations have been linked, to varying degrees, to the management of nominations and electoral lists. The USFP's political bureau accepted the resignation of Rjaâ Boukhali Tahri and announced that Maryam Jamal Al-Idrissi had abandoned her membership in the party amidst the controversy surrounding the selection process of regional list candidates. While the party insists that the process adhered to its internal regulations and that the political bureau unanimously approved the results of the selection committees, the individuals involved presented differing interpretations of how these rules and criteria were implemented.
The situation intensified further with the resignation of Salwa Al-Demnati, a former member of the political bureau and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures on August 31 after criticizing the management methodologies and organizational and political choices. In a similar vein, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary of the USFP in Wazan, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, accompanied by several other party members, was officially announced at the end of August. This departure carries significance given Hamza's organizational standing within the party and occurred at a time when parties are preparing to reshape their local bases for the upcoming elections.
Is the Moroccan Left Surpassing the USFP?
The challenges facing the USFP extend beyond the loss of individual names; they encompass a deeper question regarding the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left. A striking paradox in the upcoming 2026 elections is that part of the discourse surrounding the future of the left no longer centers on the USFP's ability to lead this movement, but rather on the potential emergence of new centers of attraction that could compete for leftist talent and figures. In this context, the establishment of the 'Left Alliance' between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 offers a new political framework that openly expresses its desire to unify parts of the leftist diaspora and contest the legislative elections with a joint political project. The two parties emphasized that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative and overcoming the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
On the other hand, the USFP has struggled to finalize its announced alliance with the Progress and Socialism Party, declared in 2023, as the process stalled quickly, despite the historical common ground between the two parties. Together, they secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections, with 34 for the USFP and 22 for the companions of Nabil Benabdallah. Now, the USFP's candidate list presents itself differently. Although it is geographically expansive and includes a significant number of constituencies, the names that are most likely to draw national attention appear relatively limited, primarily featuring Abdul Karim Benatiq, a former minister and well-known figure within the party, and Hassan Lachkar, who heads the party's list in Rabat Shala and is notably the son of the first secretary.
The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies considering that the USFP has increasingly relied on attracting names with previous political trajectories outside the party in several regions. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several names presented had previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, reflecting a strategy of attracting 'political nomads.' Among those prominent in this new landscape are Ahmed Al-Toumi, Hamid Al-Akraroud, Abdul Samad Akdash, and Abdul Ghani Kamel. This paradox raises a compelling political question: has the USFP, historically a training ground for activists and leaders, become increasingly dependent on recruiting ready-made names from outside its organizational structure while some of its own members and leaders are departing to other parties?
While Idriss Lachgar insists that 77% of local list heads represent new faces, and that the party is banking on youth, women, and competencies, this rhetoric faces criticism regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the USFP’s ranks but rather serves as a substitute for organizational deficiencies. Lachgar faces sharp criticism for allegedly sidelining effective 'USFP members' in favor of electoral figures in pursuit of parliamentary seats, shifting the focus away from rebuilding the party. This mirrors previous conflicts, such as that with the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Asilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's circumvention of local organizations in candidate selection, leading to Lachgar dissolving the regional secretariat to consolidate power, resulting in a legal conflict between the two.
This point is central to understanding the transformation that has occurred within the USFP. The party no longer possesses the same reservoir of leaders and activists who once constituted its organizational, union, and intellectual extension. Furthermore, many figures historically associated with the USFP line have either left the party or are distanced from decision-making centers within it. Additionally, for many new leftist figures, affiliation with the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice, as alternative frameworks have emerged, presenting themselves as spaces for reconstructing the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
