Advocating for Arabic: A Call for Balanced Linguistic Policies in Morocco
The recent call by Omar Mahmoud Benjelloun, a member of the Left Alliance in the Moroccan Parliament, urging the government to extend support for the Arabic language similar to what is allocated to the Amazigh language, has sparked an unexpected and intense debate. The reaction to his request, which appears to suggest that advocating for the Arabic language could be perceived as an affront to Amazigh, is unwarranted. Benjelloun did not advocate for the exclusion of the Amazigh language or suggest withdrawing the support directed towards it; rather, he raised a legitimate question regarding the place of the Arabic language within public policies and the extent of the state's commitment to its constitutional responsibilities.
The conflation of defending the Arabic language with undermining the Amazigh language serves neither language; instead, it diverts public discourse into unnecessary identity disputes and transforms the demand for equity into a fabricated conflict among the components of Moroccan identity. The pertinent question that should have emerged following Benjelloun's remarks is not why he defends Arabic but rather why Arabic, despite its constitutional status, continues to face structural challenges in various fields, particularly in scientific research, higher education, and knowledge production.
It is evident that the 2011 Moroccan Constitution has already settled this matter by stating in its fifth article that Arabic remains the official language of the state, while Amazigh is also recognized as an official language, representing a shared heritage for all Moroccans without exception. The Constitution further acknowledges the state's responsibility to protect the Arabic language, promote its use, and develop it while also preserving Hassaniya and various Moroccan cultural and linguistic expressions. Therefore, the demand for support for the Arabic language does not diminish the status of Amazigh, just as the advancement of Amazigh should not come at the expense of Arabic, as both are integral constitutional commitments rather than a competition between national languages.
Challenges Facing Arabic Language Development in Morocco
Arabic is an official language of the state and a medium for intellectual and scientific production that has accumulated significant knowledge over centuries. However, merely recognizing its status is insufficient to ensure its active presence within academic institutions, research laboratories, and training in scientific and technical specialties. There exists a considerable gap between the constitutional text and daily practice. This discrepancy is starkly illustrated by the fate of the Mohammed VI Academy of the Arabic Language, which has long been more of a symbol of institutional delays than an effective mechanism for promoting the Arabic language. Since the National Charter for Education and Training called for the establishment of this institution starting in the 2000-2001 academic year, through the issuance of Law No. 10.02 in 2003, to the 2011 Constitution's stipulation for the creation of the National Council for Languages and Moroccan Culture, the implementation of this initiative has been plagued by institutional and legal setbacks.
The remarks made by Omar Mahmoud Benjelloun should have served as an opportunity to initiate a serious discussion about language policy in Morocco, free from hasty interpretations and preconceived judgments. Instead of turning the call for support of Arabic into an implicit accusation against Amazigh, it would have been more appropriate to question the government about its practical programs for developing official languages. Following the approval of Organic Law No. 04.16 related to the National Council for Languages and Moroccan Culture in 2020, the question of how to activate this constitutional institution and its roles in coordinating national language policies, including the protection and development of the Arabic language, continues to loom large. This raises legitimate inquiries about the reasons for the delays and the seriousness of public policies in transforming constitutional commitments into effective institutions and evaluable programs.
Furthermore, the contrast becomes even clearer when we consider the experiences of several Arab countries that have established specialized academies and institutions for the Arabic language decades ago. The Arab Scientific Academy in Damascus was founded in 1919, the Arabic Language Academy in Cairo in 1932, the Iraqi Scientific Academy in 1947, and the Jordanian Language Academy in 1977. These experiences, despite their varying contexts and outcomes, highlight that the advancement of a language requires specialized scientific institutions and political will that allows for effective action and influence in the domains of education, authorship, translation, and scientific terminology.
In Morocco, the ongoing difficulties in activating the institutional framework designated for languages and Moroccan culture underscore a deeper question: how can one discuss the development of Arabic and its usage in scientific research while French still enjoys a significant presence in many scientific and technical specialties, as well as in academic training and knowledge production? The issue at hand is not about opposing the French language or diminishing the importance of learning foreign languages; rather, it is about ensuring a linguistic balance that allows Arabic to be a language of knowledge, research, and creativity.
Countries that respect their national languages do not isolate themselves; instead, they invest in translation, develop terminologies, encourage scientific authorship, support academic publishing, and provide digital tools that enable their languages to keep pace with scientific and technological transformations. There is no logical contradiction between mastering French, English, or other languages and working to develop Arabic, equipping it with the tools necessary to compete in the knowledge market.
In conclusion, Omar Mahmoud Benjelloun's remarks could have been a catalyst for meaningful dialogue about language policy in Morocco, steering clear of rushed interpretations and preconceived judgments. Rather than transforming the demand for support of Arabic into an implicit accusation against Amazigh, it would have been more prudent to hold the government accountable for its practical programs aimed at developing official languages, the status of institutions outlined by laws, the extent of resources allocated for scientific research in Arabic, and the actions necessary to enhance its presence in universities, administration, and the digital space. Ultimately, the question raised by Benjelloun deserves ongoing attention: what is the value of enshrining the Arabic language as official if it is not accompanied by effective public policies for its protection and development? And what is the purpose of the institutions stipulated by law if they remain detached from fulfilling the roles for which they were established?
As reported by aljazeera.net.
